| A. Geography | |
| B. Biodiversity | |
| C. History | |
| D. Stakeholders | |
The rationale for the creation of the Sangha River Trinational initiative is based on biological, economic, social, historical, and institutional factors, as well as ever-changing international and regional conservation strategies. No one factor on its own provides sufficient reason for an undertaking as complicated as a transboundary approach in a region characterized by problematic politics and economics, but all the factors together strongly support a more regional approach to conservation and sustainable management of natural resources.
This case study provides an overview of issues and topics impacting the existing protected areas, followed by a synopsis of how these different factors interact to justify a transboundary conservation approach in the Sangha River region.
The Sangha River Trinational region falls within the tropical forests of the western Congo River basin. The Sangha River forms the international boundary between Cameroon and its neighbors Congo and the Central African Republic (Map 1). The Sangha River is created by the confluence of the Mambéré and Kadei Rivers, and drains into the Congo River.
The Sangha River links the three protected areas into one unique ecosystem; at the same time it is the principal vector for human movement and trade in a region characterized by difficult and limited land transport. While the river is frequently crossed by some animal species (elephants and grey parrots, for example), for other species (such as talapoin) it may represent a biogeographic limit to their distribution.
Existing protected areas (see Map 1)
Although the history of the individual Sangha River Trinational protected areas differs, the areas are geographically contiguous, comprising the same tropical forest ecosystem. In each country the configuration of protected areas includes a national park surrounded by a multiple-use buffer zone.
Created in 1990, the Dzanga-Sangha Project area consists of a “Special Reserve” that serves as a buffer zone for Dzanga-Ndoki Park. This initiative was replicated to the east in the Republic of Congo with the creation of Nouabalé-Ndoki National Park in 1993. The management of its buffer zone, referred to as the Zone Périphérique, began in 1998. Nouabalé-Ndoki National Park and Dzanga-Sangha Project share approximately 80 kilometers of international boundary; besides the Sangha River there is no biogeographic division between the two forests. The Lobéké National Park, officially gazetted in 2001, meets Dzanga-Ndoki Park (Ndoki sector) at the Sangha River. Lobéké National Park is geographically linked to the protected area network in Congo through the Zone Périphérique, located across the Sangha River.
The existence of large free-ranging populations of forest fauna and vast areas of relatively intact lowland forest attracted the attention of international conservation organizations to the region in the 1980s. The protection and conservation of the ecosystems sheltering this biological wealth are complicated further by the the local human population’s reliance—nutritionally, socioculturally, and economically—on these same resources. As part of the second largest tropical rainforest in the world (after the Amazon), the Sangha River Trinational area also plays an important role as a carbon sink and in the protection of regional hydrological cycles.
1. Fauna
The forest comprising the Sangha River Trinational area contains important populations of forest elephant (Loxodonta africana cyclotis) and western lowland gorilla (Gorilla gorilla gorilla), as well as chimpanzee (Pan troglodytes), forest buffalo (Syncerus caffer nanus), forest hog (Hylochoerus meinertzhageni), and bongo (Tragelaphus euryceros). Dzanga-Sangha represents a transition zone between savanna and forest, and is therefore rich in both forest and to a lesser degree savanna avifauna with 379 species identified to date (Christy, unpublished data). Both Nouabalé-Ndoki National Park (approximately 302) (Republic of Congo and WCS 2000) and Lobéké National Park (approximately 350) (Henk Hoefsloot, personal communication) share similar forest avifauna with the Dzanga-Sangha Project, but both lack savanna species.
Viewed as one contiguous block of lowland rainforest, the Sangha River Trinational area lends itself readily from an ecological perspective to a transboundary approach. Results of scientific studies from the mid 1980s through the 1990s have underscored the importance of conserving large areas of intact forest for the movement (and possibly migration) of megafauna, represented here by forest elephant and bongo. The biology of the key species of the area, the forest elephant (Loxodonta africana cyclotis), best demonstrates the need for collaboration. The elephants of the Sangha River Trinational area are known to cross international boundaries as well as the Sangha River. In a study conducted in Nouabalé-Ndoki National Park and Dzanga-Ndoki National Park, a collared elephant was shown to traverse the two parks (more than 60 kilometers), with an estimated minimum home range of 880 km2 (Blake and Karesh 2000).
Another noteworthy species, the bongo has been recorded traveling distances of over 70 kilometers (Republic of Congo and WCS 2000). The bongo’s reputation as a trophy animal by international safari hunters necessitates the development of a monitoring and management plan for trinational populations. Although bongo hunting has been suspended in Congo, there are three active concessions in the Dzanga-Sangha Project, as well as eight sport hunting zones in the Lobéké region. In addition, there are three community-managed hunting zones around Lobéké that permit a combination of safari and subsistence hunting. The African grey parrot (Psittacus erithacus), the target of large-scale illegal capture in the region, crosses the boundaries among the three countries on a daily basis.
2. Lowland tropical forest
The principal forest type in the Sangha River Trinational area is semi-deciduous, with areas of mono-dominant Gilbertiodendron dewevri and swamp or inundated forests particularly along rivers. Of special interest is a series of forest clearings, locally referred to as bais, where animals congregate for minerals, feeding, and social interaction.
Dzanga-Sangha has been the site of intensive botanical studies, and 1,190 vascular plant species have been identified. This number is expected to rise by at least 200 additional species as the result of recent collecting expeditions. As of 1999, 750 species had been collected in Lobéké but the total is estimated at 1,500 species; while Nouabalé-Ndoki National Park, the less-researched (botanically) of the two, may have from 1,500 to 1,700 species. Overlap among the three countries may be 1,300 species—with a combined total of between 1600 and 1800 species (David Harris, personal communication).
The history of the Sangha region is similar to that of many other African countries. The international boundaries created by the colonial powers in no way reflected the cultural and social dynamics of the area. Today, the legacy of these artificial boundaries continues to have an enormous impact on the use and management of natural resources among nation states.
Historically the Sangha basin was characterized by regular migrations of human populations into the region, each with its own and often conflicting agendas, as groups developed (and broke) alliances through marriage and trade (palm oil, ivory, and slaves in particular). The original indigenous people are considered the “pygmies” (the term, considered derogatory by some, refers to the various linguistically similar BaAka—or Bayaka—and Bangombe peoples, and is used in this text in a non-pejorative manner to distinguish them from nearby agricultural groups) as well as the Bantu (Ngando, Sangha-Sangha, Mpiemu, Bakwele, Mbati, Pomo and Kako) and Oubangian (Ngbaka, Biyanda, and Bofi) river people (Carroll 1992). Other tribal groups began moving into the area prior to the colonial period, with the network of rivers including the Sangha facilitating their movement in and out of the region. Inter-tribal conflicts were common, as groups searched for prime agricultural and hunting territories, and competed for influence in the developing trade networks. These conflicts, particularly as they related to the slave trade, had long-lasting implications on the social, economic, and political fabric of the region.
The French explorer, Cholet, made the first reported colonial expedition into the region in 1890, reaching the confluence of the Sangha and Ngoko Rivers (Giles-Vernick 1996). In 1891, the explorer Fourneau arrived in the present-day Bayanga, followed by the establishment of a colonial post and a campaign of military pacification against ongoing tribal conflicts. As early as the 1890s, reports from colonialists made special mention of the large elephant populations in the area, which was a topic of special interest to ivory traders.
The era of trade was followed by the establishment of the infamous “concession” system, whereby the colonial powers and private enterprise “each sought to exploit the territory at the least expense” (Coquery-Vidrovitch 1998, p. 80). By the turn of the century, right up until the Second World War, French, Dutch, and German companies were competing for the right to exploit the natural resources of the upper and lower Sangha, concentrating primarily on rubber and ivory, but also on palm oil, animal skins, and coffee. Conflict was rife, not only in the region as Africans began to revolt against a system that was onerous and offered them little profit, but also on the international stage as World War One developed in Europe and spilled over into Central Africa. The French finally gained control of the region, and continued to exploit predominantly rubber until the Second World War, when changes in world markets effectively ended the profitability of exporting this resource from the Sangha region.
Thus, by the time of independence in the 1960s, the Sangha region had already been profoundly impacted by many decades of virtually uncontrolled exploitation of natural resources, fueled first by the arrival of immigrant tribes in the 19th century, and culminating in the colonial control of the early 20th century. This trend continued as logging companies discovered the value of the tropical hardwoods of the region beginning in the 1970s, leading to the present-day mix of logging, subsistence hunting, and commercial exploitation of wildlife, as well as conservation initiatives found in the Sangha River Trinational area.
1. Private sector/industry—Logging, safari hunting, diamond mining
Within 10–15 years of independence, industrial logging by mostly European companies began to impact natural resource management in Congo, Cameroon, and CAR on a scale previously unmatched in the Sangha region. The opening of roads and rail lines, as well as river transport of logs, not only allowed the removal of commercially viable timber, but also brought even more immigrants into the area, in search of employment opportunities. Although world market prices have fluctuated significantly over the past 30 years, causing many companies to close operations, the Sangha region has been affected by logging activities in a nearly continuous fashion since the 1970s. The impact of logging on the ecology of the region is significant, not only because roads are built and trees are cut and removed, but also because of concomitant disturbance to wildlife. Faunal populations are perturbed by logging itself, and also by the increased hunting that is facilitated, through improved access by logging roads and transport of bushmeat on company vehicles, to previously undisturbed areas.
Sport hunting has also been on the rise in the Sangha River Trinational area over the past 20 years, again mostly led by European guides, who bring wealthy clients to the region in search of trophy animals, including elephants, bongo, buffalo, and leopards. Many of these hunters also rely heavily on logging company infrastructure, including not only the road system, but also transport into the region and lodging/food for their clients. Although the hunting legislation and practices differ somewhat among the three countries, this activity has been largely uncontrolled by government agencies, leading to quotas that are based on incomplete scientific data, and hunts that may violate the wildlife laws of the host countries.
Diamond extraction in the Sangha region actually began in the colonial period prior to independence (the “Compagnie Miniére de l’Oubangi Oriental” was prospecting and exploiting as early as 1935—see Giles-Vernick 1996 for further details). Most of the more recent exploitation has been limited to small-scale, individual prospectors, particularly in the Central African Republic around the Dzanga-Sangha Project. Nonetheless, the ecological damage caused even by this artisanal exploitation is significant, resulting in serious damage to rivers and associated poaching to feed workers in these camps.
2. Indigenous populations
The Sangha River Trinational region is sparsely populated, with an estimated population density of one person per square kilometer. The traditionally hunting and gathering “pygmies” are found throughout the region, and in the Congo Basin in general. Most of these groups now spend less time in the forest, and have largely adopted sedentary lives in or near Bantu or Oubangian villages (hereinafter referred to as “villagers”) at the urging of governments, which wish to tax them, and missionaries, who want to provide them with social services (primarily health and education) that they often lack. Although they still hunt with crossbows and nets in some areas, and continue to have more “traditional” subsistence-based and economic relationships with their villager neighbors, many pygmies have moved closer to roads, villages, and logging camps. They are slowly being assimilated into a cash economy (which is typically disadvantageous, because they are the lowest paid and are not used to, and therefore often do not understand, the value of money, making them easy targets for unscrupulous villagers, merchants, and employers), finding work as trackers, guides, and porters for logging companies, sport hunters, and conservation projects. Many pygmies continue to hunt, though more often with shotguns, wire snares, and high-caliber weapons, depending on the market they are serving for meat or ivory. Their skills in the forest have been undervalued, and are therefore being lost with each succeeding generation, and they have demonstrably suffered partially as a result of the increased time spent in the villages; health problems, alcohol abuse, prostitution, and general social upheaval are rife in their society today.
The villagers in the Sangha River Trinational region are typically swidden agriculturalists, with some groups also relying on fishing, hunting, or the collection of non-timber forest products at certain times of year. The Bangando and Bakwele of southeastern Cameroon, the Bomassa and Pomo in Congo, and the Sangha-Sangha and Mpiemu in CAR tend to live in permanent wattle and daub houses (although cheap lumber from nearby logging companies is being used more frequently these days) in villages of 150–300 inhabitants along roads and rivers. The villagers generally have higher levels of education and better access to health care than do the pygmies, whom they often exploit as laborers on their small farms, or as hunters. Although most of the higher-level administrative, mechanical, and technical positions within logging companies tend to be filled by even better-educated outsiders, these villagers are still drawn to the economic opportunities presented by logging, and to a lesser extent by sport hunters and conservation projects. In many cases, however, outsiders are usurping the villagers’ control over natural resources in the region.
3. Immigrants
The Sangha region has long been a crossroads for migrating groups in search of profitable agricultural and hunting lands, or a stake in regional trade networks. The presence of concession companies during colonial times did little to slow the influx of new opportunity seekers, and this remains the case today with the logging companies in particular. The logging concessions have a continual need for skilled workers, and more often than not, these workers come from well outside the Sangha region. The large concentrations of people found around most logging towns (Bayanga, Libongo, Kika, Pokola, Lokomo, and Kabo have from 2,000 to 12,000 inhabitants) and camps need a variety of goods and services that may not always be locally available, leading to further immigration of traders (often Senegalese, Mauritanian, and Malian), hunters, mechanics, tailors, and others in search of economic opportunities. As a result, in many places the local villagers are outnumbered by outsiders, which leads to heterogeneous communities with conflicting viewpoints on natural resource use and the resolution of conflicts. Respect for traditional resource use and normal conflict resolution approaches have been replaced by resource-poor government control and enforcement agencies, private enterprise and worker’s unions, often operating to the detriment of the environment.
4. Government institutions
All three countries have large bureaucratic institutions and departments to address issues of security, health, natural resource exploitation, conservation of natural resources, tourism, and so forth. All of these agencies may be involved in varying degrees in projects of protected area management, according to the laws of the individual nation. Unfortunately, many of these Ministries are staffed with underpaid and poorly equipped civil servants for whom conservation is often not a priority. Corruption tends to be prevalent, as is the involvement of government officials in poaching, or simply “looking the other way” when loggers and sport hunters and poachers break national laws to the detriment of the environment. On an encouraging note, recent capacity-building efforts by international NGOs have made progress in this direction, and there are encouraging signs that more host country national researchers, policy makers, and protected area managers are taking an active interest in conservation in general, and in the Sangha River Trinational area in particular. Equally important is the support of national government leaders for regional conservation initiatives such as the Sangha River Trinational project, as demonstrated by the signing of the Yaoundé Declaration in March 1999.
5. International conservation and development NGOs
Several international NGOs have played important roles in the Sangha River Trinational area in the past two decades. The World Wildlife Fund (WWF) began working in CAR in the 1980s, financing the surveys that ultimately led to the creation of Dzanga-Sangha. Likewise, in the late 1980s and early 1990s, the Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS) sponsored surveys in Congo and Cameroon that highlighted the importance of the entire region for its unique and rich biodiversity. WWF continues to have a presence to this day, working in both the CAR and Cameroon components. WCS has assisted the government of Congo in managing the Nouabalé-Ndoki National Park since its creation in 1993, as well as the Zone Périphérique Project since 1998. Finally, the Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ, the German Technical Cooperation Agency) has played a role in all three sites, particularly with respect to development activities, and it remains active in Dzanga-Sangha and Lobéké.
6. The Sangha River Network
Established in 1995 by three researchers from Yale University working in the region, the Sangha River Network has facilitated several meetings of scholars, conservation practitioners, donor agencies, government officials, and other interested parties to discuss natural resource management issues in the Sangha River Trinational region. In addition, the network has played an important capacity-building role by assisting young scholars from the region to gain advanced university training.
Justification for a transboundary approach in the Sangha River Trinational region can be summarized as follows: