Summary of Impacts

Figure 3 and Table 2 summarize and illustrate the more important factors and the resultant impacts. What will become evident are how many of these were intertwined and exacerbating of the other as a result.

Figure 3. Illustration of the effects of armed conflict on Ethiopia's conservation- and protected-area program from 1961 through 1991. Impacts are mapped through a variety of causal pathways, with causes displayed in white boxes and impacts displayed in shaded boxes

Impacts Related to the Lack of Development and Finances

Deforestation and soil erosion

Little economic growth and development, and the diversion of finances towards conflict, led to a decline in the availability of food products and other commodities, a scarcity of petroleum products, high inflation, and rising unemployment. These, in turn, perpetuated a reliance on the land and its many natural resources. The most significant consequence of this reliance was to further deforest Ethiopia's landscapes for agriculture, livestock production, shelter wood, and fuel wood. Deforestation on lands adjacent to, and within, certain protected areas resulted in the loss of critical habitat, species isolations, and local species extinctions (e.g., Mountain Nyala) (Jacobs, unpublished data; Hillman, 1992). Farming on steep slopes increased as well, as land became increasingly scarce and important. Attempts to farm on steep slopes, however, increased the rate of soil erosion and gullying and decreased crop yields, and eventually forced many to seek new farming opportunities (on steep slopes at times), thereby exacerbating the deforestation protected-area issue.

Excessive soil erosion resulting from deforestation interfered with the operation of several of Ethiopia's hydro-power schemes (in the Wabi-Shabelle and Awash watersheds) and was the reason for repeated nationwide power outages during the rainy season. These factors reportedly reduced significantly the life expectancy of the Koka Dam (on the Awash River) by accelerating the rate of sedimentation in this reservoir (Halcrow et al., 1989; EVDSA, 1990). The decline in water quality throughout Ethiopia has been attributed to unregulated deforestation and soil erosion, as has been the decline in rainfall production and stream flow (Daniel Gamachu, 1974; Halcrow et al., 1989). These last impacts should be of particular concern in terms of conservation, in that they most likely have had an effect on Ethiopia's wetlands, fisheries, and overall natural biodiversity.

Impoverishment of Ethiopia's conservation- and protected-area program

The diversion of finances and development energy toward conflict meant that Ethiopia's conservation organization, and all protected areas, received insufficient funding and lacked in infrastructure and equipment, to varying degrees (Hillman, 1993a; Jacobs and Schloeder, 1993). These in turn contributed to the loss of conservation-related income, because the general lack of facilities limited recreational and educational opportunities, and led to understaffing. Insufficient funding prevented any in-depth research as well, along with effective management, training, and maintenance, and was a contributing factor to the decline in morale of EWCO personnel. Management of Ethiopia's Wildlife Reserves and Controlled Hunting Areas was forced to determine hunting quotas without the benefit of sufficient data, for many of these same reasons.

This also meant that there were few incentives to leave or stay out of an area after it had been classified as a national park. This, in conjunction with insufficient funding of all conservation- and protected-area programs, contributed to resistance to, and mostly ineffective enforcement of, many conservation bylaws and the government's exclusionary protected-area policy. These dilemmas were dealt with by periodically calling in the military to assist in the removal of those deemed encroachers. Use of the military to remove people angered and alienated the once-legitimate residents to an even greater extent, particularly when they felt their very survival was at stake. Nevertheless, encroachers persisted in their attempts to enter and occupy parklands, despite knowing their attempts could end in injury or death. Need and survival eventually won out, as evidenced by a majority settlement of the Abijata-Shalla and Awash National Parks, and a partial settlement of many other national parks by 1991 (Hillman, 1993a; Jacobs and Schloeder, 1993).

Impacts Related to Government Policies

Environmental degradation, encroachment, and the decline of wildlife as related to the restriction of peoples' movements

The restriction on people's movements (also referred to as sedentarization) exacerbated deforestation and soil-erosion issues and led to the overgrazing of rangelands throughout Ethiopia. Overgrazing occurred primarily because Ethiopia's transhumant and nomadic pastoralists were prohibited from traveling large distances in search of forage -- even as their populations grew and forage declined -- and during times of drought. Many significant and widespread environmental changes took place due to overgrazing, including shrub-land expansion, an increase in undesirable woody species, soil erosion, and gullying, and a decline in forage quality and quantity, and species biodiversity (Coppock, 1994; Jacobs and Schloeder, 1993). These changes, in turn, exacerbated the exclusionary protected-area policy's settlement-encroachment issue, and were responsible for many similar habitat alterations within Ethiopia's protected areas.

In Awash National Park, encroachment and settlement led to the illegal harvest of fuel wood and shelter wood, increased competition between wildlife and livestock, and forced many species to forage elsewhere. There was an increase in illegal hunting and disease transmission as well, which contributed to the decline of much wildlife (Figure 3) (Jacobs and Schloeder, 1993). The exception to this was those species that favored shrub-land expansion (e.g., Salt's dikdik (Madoquo saltiana), lesser kudu (Tragelaphus imberbis), and common waterbuck (Kobus ellipsiprymnus), etc,). Reports for the Abijata-Shalla and Nechisar National Parks refer to similar setbacks from settlement and encroachment as well (Hillman, 1991; Tadessa, G/Michael et al., 1992).

In the middle and lower Awash Valley, the problem of forced sedentarization was aggravated further after the conversion of traditional dry-season grazing areas to government-run irrigation schemes, and by immigrants (Jacobs and Schloeder, 1993). The immigrants arrived whenever the Harerge region experienced a drought, and whenever there were escalations in conflict in Somalia or the Sudan. The conflict in Somalia was of particular import, in that it created what can be referred to as the tribal domino effect. This is a situation where one ethnic group after another, in an effort to find suitable livestock forage or escape conflict, forcibly displaces a neighboring ethnic group. In the middle Awash, this effect ultimately affected the Kereyu by limiting their grazing and settlement opportunities. It involved three different ethnic groups (the Afar, Ittu, and three Issa clans from Western, Central, and Eastern Harerge region) with the initial displacement originating across the border in Somalia. The Afar also experienced displacement by the Issa in the lower Awash Basin.

Forced sedentarization disrupted many socioeconomic ties as well. These included ones the Kereyu and Afar had with their highland neighbors in order to survive a variable environment. Their relationship involved the moving of livestock into the highland areas during periods of drought, and the purchase of highland calves following herd deaths. In exchange, the highlanders moved their livestock into the lowland areas when rainfall was adequate, and earned income from livestock sales. Arranged marriages also were of importance to this relationship. Widespread famine and massive livestock deaths during the 1980s droughts, environmental degradation, and an almost complete breakdown of many important relationships characterized the disruption of these socioeconomic ties.

Environmental degradation, encroachment, and the decline of wildlife as related to resettlement and villagization

The government's resettlement and villagization policies were similar to the one restricting peoples' movements, in terms of impact on the environment and Ethiopia's protected areas. These two policies, as well as several ill-conceived agricultural schemes, also were responsible for the decline of wildlife in the Gambella National Park, and the conversion of some areas within the park to agriculture (Hillman, 1991). The wildlife decline in Gambella also occurred due to hunting by Sudanese opposition forces and refugees, as these groups sought food in times of need. The 1978 relocation of almost 1,500 people from seven villages in Gonder, however, led to a 20% reduction in occupation of the Simien Mountains National Park (from 53%) and a 7% decline in agriculture (from 18%) (Hurni, 1986). A villagization scheme in the Bale Mountains, along with agricultural developments, had a similar effect in that people were drawn out of the park. Unfortunately, the agricultural developments in Bale made extensive areas unavailable for grazing during the wet season, which forced many to let their livestock graze on parklands when it was most detrimental to the high-altitude grasslands (Hillman, pers comm). As was the case in the Awash National Park, encroachment in Bale also led to competition between wildlife and livestock, the displacement of wildlife, and illegal hunting (Hillman, 1991). Encroachment, too, was reported to facilitate rabies transmissions to Ethiopian Wolves (Gottelli and Sillero-Zubiri, 1992) and the hybridization between wolves and domestic dogs (Gottelli et al., 1994).

Impacts Related to Other Issues

The utilization of wildlife and occupation of protected areas

Many types of modern weaponry (primarily machine guns) were readily available through Ethiopia's black market during the period of conflict. Unfortunately, easy access to machine guns increased the frequency and intensity of conflict between ethnic groups. Death and injuries increased as a consequence, as did the displacement of entire ethnic groups from disputed lands. The displaced, in turn, sometimes tried to occupy nearby protected areas. Nechisar National Park was occupied for such reasons on several occasions as the Gugi retreated from attack by the Boran. Similarly, the Mursi retreated to Mago National Park a few times following attacks by the Bume (EWCO internal reports). The Gugi and the Mursi reportedly engaged in hunting and agriculture during these periods of occupation. The Gugi also were known for using their new guns to resist removal by park authorities, according to EWCO internal reports.

Because of the easy access to machine guns, hunting increased throughout Ethiopia, in addition to that which took place in most of the country's protected areas. Food, leather, and medicinal products were the primary reasons cited by those caught in the act, in addition to income generation from the sale of ivory, the EWCO reported. Defense-of-livestock arguments also were a common excuse for the taking of various predators. Species most vulnerable to hunting during the period of conflict included the Lesser and Greater Kudu (Tragelaphus strepsiceros), Common Eland (Tragelaphus oryx), Buffalo (Synercus caffer), Beisa Oryx (Oryx gazella), Soemmerring's Gazelle, Swayne's Hartebeest, Grevy's Zebra, Mountain Nyala, Elephant, Giraffe (Giraffa camelopardalis), Hippopotamus (Hippopotamus amphibius), Cheetah (Acinonyx jubatus), Lion (Panthera leo), Spotted Hyena (Crocuta crocuta), and jackals (Canis sp.).

The military's utilization of wildlife

The diversion of finances toward areas of conflict occasionally resulted in a lack of military provisions elsewhere. This forced the Ethiopian military to hunt for food whenever there was a shortage. Reports from several of Ethiopia's protected areas revealed that hunting of this nature occurred, particularly when the protected area was located near a training camp, according to unpublished EWCO reports. Furthermore, reports and data from Awash National Park substantiated the hypothesis that hunting by the military was a factor in the decline of several species (Figure 3) (Jacobs and Schloeder, 1993).

The creation of secure zones

What could be construed as a positive effect from conflict between ethnic groups, with respect to conservation only, was the creation and maintenance of resource- and biodiversity-secure zones along the interface of warring ethnic groups. Wildlife was more commonly observed within these zones, and in some circumstances their populations were considered relatively stable (Jacobs and Schloeder, 1993). Unfortunately, the same was not the case for those attempting to occupy or use these areas. Instead, they risked their lives when entering interface areas, even for short periods of time. Conservation areas with conflict-created resource- and biodiversity-secure zones included Awash National Park (Kereyu-Afar interface), Alledeghi Wildlife Reserve (Afar-Issa interface), Omo National Park (Surma-Bume-Mursi interface), Mago National Park, and Tama Wildlife Reserve (Bume-Mursi-Karo-Hamar interface).

Impacts Related to Security Concerns

The lack of regular enforcement in most protected areas affected tourism as well, as the EWCO was unable to ensure the safety of tourists within many protected areas (Hillman, 1993a; Jacobs and Schloeder, 1993). The threat of being robbed while visiting or traveling to and from protected areas reduced tourism by nationals and foreign visitors alike. Tourism also was hampered by war-related security concerns, thereby limiting opportunities to generate income -- both locally and nationally -- to an even greater extent (Hillman, 1992, 1993a). War-related security concerns, in addition to insufficient funding, prevented Ethiopia's establishment of the Dehalak Marine National Park and led to the EWCO losing control over the Simien Mountains National Park in 1983 following occupation by Eritrean forces (Hillman, 1993a,b).

Impacts Related to Transition-Period Insecurity

The lack of local-level support for the government's policies was most evident during the transition from imperial rule to social rule (1974-1978), and during the shift from social rule to democratic rule (a few weeks in 1991). The imperial-social rule transition period spelled a loss of funding, the resettlement of most protected-areas, the indiscriminate taking of wildlife- and protected-area resources, and a challenge to the EWCO's authority. These impacts were short-lived, however. In 1978 the PMGSE ruled in favor of keeping the EWCO and publicly adopted the policy that, in part, proclaimed: "Wildlife have the right to exist and our wildlife resources are a national heritage to be conserved and developed for the continued benefit of the present generation and the generations to come" (FaWCaDA, 1978). The EWCO's budget was reinstated following this proclamation, and together with military support, the EWCO was able to regain control of Ethiopia's protected areas. The EWCO adopted a new Wildlife Management Policy (WMP) shortly thereafter, in addition to a new forest- and wildlife-conservation plan (PMGSE, 1979; Negarit Gazeta, 1980; with revisions: PMGSE, 1979; PMGSE, 1985). Despite public opinion to the contrary, however, the government retained the exclusionary protected-area clause within the new WMP.

Prior to the arrival of Eritrea's troops in the capital of Addis Ababa and the establishment of democratic rule, there was rampant looting and destruction nationally during a three-week transition period in 1991. The primary targets were government structures, including office and housing facilities, aid centers, dispensaries, water provisions, and conservation and educational facilities. Regarding Ethiopia's protected areas, six in particular were the focus of much violence (Table 2). Hillman (1993a) reported that post-war damages to these six areas amounted to U.S. $495,169, while damages to the Simien Mountains National Park between 1983 and 1991 amounted to U.S. $677,536. Some damages were attributed to the abandonment of protected-area facilities, others to retreating government soldiers as they moved south (Hillman, 1991; Tadessa G/Michael et al., 1992). Much wildlife was shot during this period of lawlessness as well. The shootings clearly were acts of violence aimed at the government, as evidenced by the number and type of animals left to decompose in areas like the Kuni-Muktar Wildlife Sanctuary and Bale Mountains National Park. Kuni-Muktar , and the surrounding government-owned tree nurseries and plantations, also experienced widespread tree destruction. This was most surprising, however, because such projects employed many locals and supposedly were for their benefit.